Refugees
and Diaspora
Massive
and repeated displacement within Russia and exile abroad have been
among the most dramatic and historic consequences of the wars in Chechnya.
Almost every Chechen has experienced displacement and the problems
that come with it, such as poverty, cramped housing and lives that
have been disrupted and put on hold.
| New
reports on refugees/IDPs |
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Silence
Kills:Abuse of Chechen Refugees in Georgia
A human-rights focused report
about the Chechen refugee community in Georgia,
prepared by the Human Rights Information and Documentation
Center (HRIDC), a Tbilisi-based NGO (January 2007)
Chechen
Migration and Integration in Ukraine A
working paper prepared by Fulbright research fellow
Mariah Levin in cooperation with UNHCR
and HIAS. Ukraine
is the main transit country for Chechen refugees
traveling to Europe (November 2006)
Chechen
Refugees in Baku, Azerbaijan - A needs assessment
A comprehensive, research-based
assessment of the situation of Chechen refugees
in Azerbaijan, by the Norwegian
Refugee Council, the main non-governmental
aid provider to Chechens in Azerbaijan (April
2006)
An
uncertain future: The Challenges of Return and
Reintegration for Internally Displaced Persons
in the North Caucasus A detailed
report on the human rights and socio-economic
conditions of Chechen and other IDPs in the North
Caucasus region, including those diplaced by the
Ingush-Ossetian conflict, by the Norwegian
Refugee Council and
Memorial
(October 2006)
The
situation of Chechen asylum seekers and refugees
in Poland and effects of the EU Dublin II Regulation
An investigative report on the
situation of Chechen asylum seekers in Poland,
the main reception country for Chechens arriving
Europe, by a consortium of German refugee aid
organization (February 2005, based on research
from 2004)
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| Introduction: |
After
more than a decade of war and lawlessness, hundreds
of thousands of Chechens have left Chechnya and moved
to other parts of Russia, the former Soviet Union and
other countries. Spontaneous outmigration peaked,
not surprisingly, during the bloodiest phases of the
two wars, but the overwhelming majority of these internally
displaced persons or IDPs went to Ingushetia, other
parts of Russia or simply safer locations within Chechnya.
Yet there has also been a slower but constant stream
of Chechens leaving Chechnya for good, even before the
start of the first war. Many Chechens have moved
to Moscow and other Russian cities to start
businesses or protect their families from the decline
in safety and public services in Chechnya. Smaller numbers
left for the West or the Gulf States.
Between
the two wars, when the Maskhadov government failed to
provide even basic security to the residents of Chechnya,
tens of thousands of Chechens again moved away, most
of them to Moscow. A small exile community of mostly
former separatist leaders and better-off Chechens had
by then received asylum in Western Europe, particularly
in Belgium, France and Norway. |
A rise in refugee numbers since 2003:
In 2003, when the main fighting of the second war was
already over, larger numbers of Chechens started coming to Europe
and applying for asylum there. In 2003, some 33,000 Russian
citizens (over 90% of them presumed to be Chechens) applied
for asylum in Europe, according to the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, making them
the largest group of new refugees arriving in developed nations.
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Analyzing
the numbers:
These numbers remained about the same for 2004. In 2005, they
dropped slightly to 27,000. Although the final numbers for
2006 are not yet available, UNHCR statistics for the first
two quarters of the year suggest a drop by about 25%. It is
difficult to say whether these numbers reflect the
reality of Chechen migration to Europe. They may
be higher, since some countries do not count minors who arrive
with their parents, and in some cases, Chechens have joined
relatives abroad without ever applying for asylum (either
through formal family reunification procedures or without
acquiring legal status). They may be lower, because many refugees
apply for asylum in more than one country and are counted
separately each time. And there is anecdotal evidence that
Russian-speakers from a variety of Russian regions and other
countries claim to be Chechens upon arriving in Europe, because
they believe this will increase their chances of getting asylum.
One explanation
for the 2003 surge of Chechen asylum-seekers arriving
abroad, at a time when major combat operations had largely
ceased, is the process of "Chechenization",
which empowered former separatist Ahmed Kadyrov and subsequently
his son Ramzan as de-facto leaders of Chechnya. Chechen refugees
indicate that they fear local Chechen security services more
than Russian troops, because their superior knowledge of the
community allows them to identify and persecute former rebel
fighters or political opponents, and they do so more ruthlessly.
Another explanation is that after a decade of war
and lawlessness, many Chechens have given up hope of ever
rebuilding a normal life at home and instead try
to start a new life in exile. Indeed, one of the most frequent
reasons for going into exile quoted by Chechen refugees is
the desire to give their children a chance to have
a normal, peaceful future.
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The
end of multi-ethnic Chechnya:
In another significant development, Chechnya has also lost
almost all of its former non-Chechen population. At the
end of the Soviet period, several hundreds of thousands of Chechnya's
residents belonged to different ethnic groups - most of them Russians,
but also Armenians, Ingush, Georgians, Ukrainians and many more,
concentrated in the vibrant urban center of Grozny. This multi-ethnic
Grozny has long ceased to exist. Under the separatist leadership
of the pre-war period, many non-ethnic Chechens found themselves
threatened by criminal elements and faced with an indifferent government
that showed no intention to protect them. Many of the educated elites
also lost their positions in government, industry and academia to
locals connected with those in power. The ensuing exodus of some
300,000 non-ethnic Chechens represents the tragic end of
a once peacefully diverse community and a dramatic brain-drain
that continues to impede Chechnya's efforts to rebuild. The often
negative experiences of Chechnya's former residents, exploited by
Russian media and politicians, also became a major factor for anti-Chechen
sentiment in Russia.
Key
issues - internal displacement and safe return:
For a long time the presence of Chechen internally displaced
persons (IDPs) in Ingushetia was the main symbol of displacement
caused by the wars, especially the second war. The number
of IDPS in Chechnya reached around 250,000 at the onset of the
second war, increasing the native population of the
small republic of Ingushetia by more than 50%. Ingushetia became
an area of massive international aid operations that provided
these IDPs with shelter, food and other services. Since
2002, IDPs in Ingushetia had been pressured to leave their camps
and return to Chechnya, in spite of the persistent
violence there at the time. Over the past years a gradual return
has indeed taken place. As of early 2007, less than 20,000 IDPs
remain in Ingushetia and many of them are expected to integrate
locally rather than return to Chechnya. The international aid
effort has shifted to Chechnya, where those who have returned
from Ingushetia have often been unable to move back into their
destroyed homes. As a result more than 100,000 people
are today IDPs within Chechnya, most of whom live in
substandard housing and poverty. |

IDP girl (© Tamara Chagaeva) |
Chechen
refugees in Georgia and Azerbaijan:
In Azerbaijan, the Chechen
community was estimated around 8,000 strong until about 2005, after
which it was reassessed and found to be less than 3,000.
Many Chechen refugees appear to have returned home, despite the
persistent security risks in Chechnya, because of the desperate
economic and social conditions that prevail among the refugee community.
The government of Azerbaijan has never recognized them as
refugees and they are thus without proper legal status,
unable to seek employment or receive public welfare. Instead, they
are provided with protection letters by the local UNHCR office.
While there are some humanitarian programs to assist these refugees
(by UNHCR, the Norwegian
Refugee Council and UMCOR),
the overall situation of this refugee community is extremely
dire. Although several dozen families were resettled to
third countries, this appears increasingly unlikely for the rest
of the community. Chechens in Georgia have generally been
granted refugee status on a prima facie basis
(i.e. without having to prove persecution). There are several
hundred Chechen refugees registered in Georgia today. However,
beyond that the Georgian government's treatment of these
refugees has been problematic. In order to be eligible
for humanitarian aid they are forced to reside in the remote and
impoverished Pankisi Gorge, and they have been subject to harassment
by the police. Both Azerbaijan and Georgia have extradited
Chechen refugees to Russia in violation of their obligations
under international law. The European Court of Human Rights has
ruled that Georgia violated the rights of the extradited Chechens.
Implications
for Chechens at home and abroad:
What are the implications of these refugee flows and diaspora life?
First, these refugees have to fend with European asylum
systems, an often bewildering experience in which some
benefit from speedy and comfortable protection, while other, no
less deserving, refugees are left out in the cold. In western Europe,
which has received the greatest number of Chechen refugees, the
differences in treatment of Chechen refugees are stark,
so much so that the process of applying for asylum in Europe has
been compared to a lottery. According to EU law, moreover,
refugees are not free to apply for asylum in their country of choice,
but may only do so in one country, most often the country they first
entered. Since most Chechen refugees are either unaware of these
regulations or hope to find a way around them, they are often subject
to repeated transfers and needless delays. In the 1990s
and the first years of the second war Chechens arrived in Europe
in small numbers and generally received asylum without complications.
This liberal policy has for the most part been reversed, and countries
like Norway, Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany and France today usually
grant only temporary protection status or deny
asylum except in special cases. The reasons behind this include
a Europe-wide shift towards stricter immigration policies, a perceived
"improvement" of the situation in Chechnya, as well as
concerns about large, compact migrant communities and the political
and financial liability they could become. Some countries, like
Austria or Belgium, are defying this trend and continue to grant
permanent asylum to most Chechen refugees. While most Chechens
who arrive in Europe are ultimately allowed to stay, if often under
humanitarian or non-refoulement protection, they may have
to wait up to several years for a final decision and their final
status may be only temporary or exclude them from some welfare programs.
Second, there
is the impact on Chechen society itself. A closely-linked,
often insular community with practices and rules that favor self-segregation,
many Chechen refugees are finding it difficult to cope with
the new experience of diaspora life. The reactions range
from enthusiastic embrace of the opportunities and freedom
offered by life in Europe or the US (a small, but growing
Chechen community exists in the latter), to severe isolation
and fears about the loss of identity and social customs.
This struggle is reflected in Chechen media and websites, where
some commentators welcome the educational opportunities for Chechen
children and youth and appreciate the benefits of the rule of law,
while others mourn a perceived loss of cohesion, control and traditions.
Because as many as 10% of the Chechen population may by now live
abroad, all of Chechen society is affected: in
this tight-knit community, everyone now has relatives or
friends living abroad, and the experiences of the latter
reverberate back home.
Our
role:
The Chechnya Advocacy Network recognizes that diaspora life and
its implications for the future of the Chechen people are increasingly
central to the Chechens' story. We advocate for fair
treatment of Chechen asylum-seekers in Europe and elsewhere,
consideration of certain refugee populations for resettlement
programs, and help Chechen refugees with their
asylum procedures and with adapting to their new lives.
Integration of the large and recent Chechen communities
in Europe is an area of particular concern for us due to
many European countries' failure to integrate previously arrived
migrant groups in a positive way. Since the Chechen diaspora
community is starting to become more organized and active,
we are ready to help them improve their capacities and become more
effective.
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